May 9 in Moldova – An Arena of Ideological Battles

Home / Analytics / May 9 in Moldova – An Arena of Ideological Battles
Sergiu CEBAN
Moldovan authorities push to celebrate May 9 in a “European style”, turning this date into another source of social discord
This year, unlike before, May 9 took place without major scandals. In recent years, the ruling regime has outlined a clear framework for the celebration. A part of the population and the opposition have largely accepted it as the new reality making no active attempts to resist the established norms. However, while the holiday passed relatively quietly, it still carries various meanings and is one of the split lines for Moldovan society. The Action and Solidarity party actively suppresses the old Victory Day narrative, trying to shape a new version of the Second World War events among citizens. First of all, it is rejecting the Soviet victorious interpretation and imposing a more restrained, European format of remembrance. This is evident both in official rhetoric and in educational initiatives, the media and foreign policy signals. On the eve of holiday, a series of publications surfaced the “independent” media about the “distorted” perception of May 9 in Russia and the post-Soviet space, the great losses of the USSR and the incompetence of Soviet leaders, as well as the use of this date for political purposes. However, by strange twist of fate, our government got involved in the latter, and even more so with regard to children. One of the widely debated topics of recent days has been the order of the Ministry of Education and Science, which obliged all schools in the country to watch the documentary film “Siberia on the Bones”. The film, as it is easy to guess, tells the story of deportations organized by the Soviet authorities. Such a hasty decision on the eve of the 80th anniversary of the Victory caused fair indignation of the public and parents. In addition, the film’s age rating was neglected. However, Minister Dan Perciun responded that it was educational and served the purpose of “historical justice”. In any case, the initiative is a part of a broad strategy for “Europeanisation of memory”, where special attention will be paid to the victim education of the younger generation, focusing on the tragic pages of history: deportations, repression, famine-genocide, etc. Well, we have already seen something similar in Ukraine, where the policy of historical memory is built on the same postulates. The centerpiece of the official events on May 9 was the Eternity Memorial in Chisinau. Despite bad weather, dignitaries gathered at the monument, and Maia Sandu delivered a speech in Romanian and Russian, emphasizing the need for national unity, especially in times of global and regional crises. Following the political logic, Sandu could not avoid the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, mentioning thousands of deported families and long years of repression. According to her, Moldovans should honor those who fell in the fight against Nazism, but at the same time remember the victims of totalitarian regimes. Such narratives are unlikely to unify the complex Moldovan society, which still celebrates May 9 differently in regions and cities. But this position certainly resembles the policy of the EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe, where elites are encouraged to reject the glorification of the past and reassess the national myths inherited from the Soviet era. That is why May 9 in Moldova, as before, remains an arena of ideological splits. Alongside official events, opposition parties have brought their supporters to the streets with traditional slogans and Soviet flavor. Despite the ban on symbols associated with the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, protesters are finding ways to bypass it and trying to make the date as solemn as possible. This year’s media coverage of May 9 creates a marked contrast between the two ideologies coexisting in the same socio-political context. The foreign policy vector also contributes to the ambivalent Moldovan reality. For example, on 9 May, Foreign Minister Mihai Popsoi, participating in the mourning events in Lviv, became a kind of co-initiator of a “special tribunal for the crime of Russian aggression against Ukraine”. This structure is to be set up at the UN International Court of Justice in The Hague in order to hold Russia’s leadership accountable for unleashing the war. Apparently, condemnation of Russia in absentia should become a final point in its longstanding image as one of the victors in the Second World War. It is symbolically important that May 9 is also celebrated as Europe Day. However, in contrast to the Soviet holiday, the European holiday did not arouse much enthusiasm among citizens. The official part of the event was rather restrained, with minimal crowds. It seems that we do not yet have an established tradition of treating this date in a European way, and the level of involvement of the population in the pro-European agenda is definitely low. Both Chisinau and in Brussels realize this. That is why the European Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos was sent to Moldova for reinforcement, bringing another set of reassuring statements about “irreversible prospects” of Moldova’s EU integration. However, it is clear to everyone that such visits and speeches are largely symbolic and are part of the PAS electoral strategy ahead of the parliamentary elections. Whatever they say, May 9 continues to be a politically charged topic in Moldova. The ruling pro-European forces use this day to demonstrate their loyalty to the European integration course. It is also a kind of a test of their ability to deal with sensitive topics without dividing society. To what extent PAS and Maia Sandu succeed (not really) is another question, but there is no doubt that they will continue their current policy. The motive is obvious: with the current attitude of the majority of Moldovan society to May 9, the European Union will not accept us. For the leftist and pro-Russian opposition, this is one of the few dates when it is possible to mobilize its electoral resources and remind of itself as an important political factor. Despite the fact that the majority of even the most irreconcilable leaders found the strength to gather under the banners of the holiday, there is little reason to talk about the real desire of the leftist forces to unite into something larger and more massive. Consequently, the probability of the alternative political center is still minimal. The conclusion is evident – Victory/European Day in Moldova is not just a commemorative date, but an arena of semantic and political battles. It reflects the growing depth of contradictions within our society, the unceasing disputes between past and future, East and West, celebration and mourning. In such circumstances, we should not expect easy answers. Only a reflection on past and present events may guide us toward unity, otherwise this day will be one of the social fault lines for a long time to come.