Moldova as a Frontline Deployment Base for the EU and NATO

Despite all the economic difficulties, Moldova continues to build new bases, modernize its military infrastructure, and introduce new types of weapons and equipment

The news at the start of the year offers little cause for optimism. Dangerous global developments are unfolding, marked by clear notes of grotesque absurdity and even madness, while at home the situation is going from bad to worse. The other day, Chisinau Mayor Ion Ceban stated that PAS had destroyed Moldova’s economy, and it is hard to argue him. Across most key indicators, the country is, at best, marking time or, more often, moving steadily downward. Experts try to identify small pockets of positivity, such as the growth of services exports, which is undoubtedly welcome, but it pales in comparison with the scale of the other problems. GDP has virtually “frozen”. At the same time, external debt is growing rapidly, including due to domestic borrowing at predatory interest rates. Servicing this debt requires ever greater resources, which in turn necessitates new loans – a vicious circle with no way out. The trade balance deficit has also surged sharply, setting new anti-records in the republic’s history. This means that imports far exceed exports – a stark illustration of the dead-end nature of the current economic model, which PAS has no intention of changing. A budget deficit of more than one billion euros is also described by the ruling party as a normal situation. The ongoing outflow of the labor force combined with population ageing is likewise framed as a “general European trend”, thereby effectively absolving themselves of responsibility. Another major problem is the high cost of gas and electricity, which is a direct consequence of the regime’s narrow-minded policies. In this context, all the talk about so-called diversification looks unconvincing, since in reality we have merely replaced dependence on one supplier with dependence on another. And this was done exclusively for political reasons, with no economic rationale whatsoever. For instance, our main electricity supplier is Romania, where electricity prices are currently the highest in Europe. Yet we are forced to pay them, because purchasing power from a Russian-owned plant, even if it is two to three times cheaper, has become a taboo. Amid a large budget deficit, the regime’s main “lifeline” remains external assistance, but even the flow appears to be gradually drying up. As a result, the authorities are forced to resort to unpopular measures – in plain terms, to dig ever deeper into citizens’ pockets. This includes plans to impose duties and fees on parcels starting this summer, higher tariffs for public services, increases in certain taxes, and cuts to compensation schemes. As usual, the incompetence and failures of the country’s leadership will be paid for at our expense. Yet, as we can see, the authorities are preoccupied with matters entirely different from the problems of the populace they are supposed to be accountable to. Take, for instance, our “spiritual leader” Maia Sandu. She appears far more inclined to speak about her unionist aspirations and to engage in the militarization so dear to her heart. Thus, the most high-profile act of the president over the past two weeks was a visit to a military base under construction near Chisinau. Following the so-called inspection, Maia Sandu did not spare the pathos, writing that “these are investments in peace, stability, and confidence that even in a difficult world we can care for one another and honorably fulfill our duty to the country”. The total cost of the facility is about 800 million lei, and by the time it is completed in 2027, the estimate will almost certainly exceed one billion. Incidentally, this is roughly the amount the government expects to raise by taxing and charging fees on our parcels. Simple logic suggests that they could have not built the base and spared us yet another “tax haircut”. But PAS’ priorities are different. The authorities insist that this will be the first military base built since independence, that soldiers, officers, and civilian staff need proper conditions to perform their duties, and that moving military garrisons out of Chisinau will allow equipment and personnel to be relocated without disrupting the capital’s traffic. It all sounds good, but the motives, as usual, lie elsewhere. After all, no one would believe that the ruling party is genuinely doing something for the people. It is no coincidence that the project for the new base was conceived in 2022, the year the conflict in Ukraine began, and was developed in cooperation with partners from Romania and the United States. Therefore, no matter how much Anatolie Nosatii and other officials deny it, it is quite obvious what the real goals behind the large-scale construction in Bacioi are. Conditions are being created not only for hosting NATO military contingents, but also for specialized equipment, such as aviation. It is no secret that the military airfield in the village of Marculesti is being revived. Once serving as a base for the Black Sea Fleet aviation, it was long removed from the Ministry of Defense’s jurisdiction, and officials only in 2022 spoke about plans to turn it into a civilian airport focused on low-cost carriers. But then, as it seems, not without persistent “recommendations” from partners, those plans were abandoned, and information began circulating in the media from “witnesses” that some modernization work was being carried out at the abandoned site. Naturally, the first-class Marculesti airfield, meaning it is capable of receiving aircraft of any type, is too tempting an asset in the current circumstances not to be used for its intended purpose. Later, in 2024, an interesting government initiative appeared, authorizing the relevant ministry to carry out “activities related to ensuring national defense and security, as well as international obligations” at the site. And, apparently, such activities are indeed taking place, as aircraft have already been flying to Marculesti at low altitudes with unidentified cargo, which, as one might easily guess, is of a military nature. No one has forgotten about transit infrastructure either. As we recall, the EU publicly announced back in 2022 its intention to include Moldova in the so-called military mobility project. On the one hand, it is designed to remove administrative barriers to the movement of troops and military equipment across the member states, and on the other, to modernize the relevant infrastructure: railways, bridges, tunnels, ports, and so on. The project is now entering the stage of practical implementation, and our government, represented by Alexandru Munteanu, expressed keen interest in joining. This was done: Moldova officially received observer status in the project. Another cornerstone is the reform of Moldova’s armed forces along Western lines, which has accelerated sharply in recent years. Fortunately, foreign partners are helping, allocating hundreds of millions of euros through various programs, primarily via the European Peace Facility. As our officials admit, 70% of funding for Moldova’s defense sector comes from foreign sources. Thanks to such “assistance”, the country is receiving new radars, drones of various types, military equipment, artillery including long-range howitzers, small arms, gear, and other military supplies. A symbolic decision was the national army’s abandonment of the famous Kalashnikov rifles, marking the final shift to the Western model. Of course, expensive and scarce weaponry is not being allocated to Moldova without reason. As we can see, the EU is preparing for a global restructuring of its military forces, concentrating colossal funds for this purpose. Brussels also intends to create an effective land army. As practice shows, even leading European countries such as France and the United Kingdom are currently struggling to assemble even a 15,000-strong contingent to deploy to post-war Ukraine. By comparison, this figure looks symbolic next to the 700,000-strong Russian force currently engaged in the conflict. The EU is currently discussing plans to create a unified army, initially numbering 100,000 servicemen, a process that the current crisis over Greenland will only accelerate. And it is believed that our contingent should also be included in the overall force, according to the authors’ logic. After all, what else can an economy-stricken Moldova pay for all the assistance and support, if not with its own citizens? That is why joint military exercises with Western forces are held every month, plans are announced to increase the active personnel of the Moldovan armed forces, and Defense Minister Nosatii speaks of an upcoming reform that will expand “voluntary” military training for the population in order to attract more contract soldiers into the army. This is what European integration looks like for us, with a clearly militaristic undertone. One could, of course, argue that this is all exaggerated and alarmist. However, those who closely follow the processes around and within Moldova have long been witnessing how the country’s neutrality is gradually being eroded and pushed into the past, turning Moldova more into an advanced deployment base for the EU and NATO.