Christian RUSSU
Agriculture, which could have become a pillar of the economy, remains for the current authorities a “white elephant”. It has come to the point where Moldova is gradually turning from a producer into an importer of agricultural products
A country once considered agrarian is rapidly losing that status. This is not about a long-term modernization of the economy toward a new profile, but rather a straightforward degradation of the existing production structure. The latest data confirm this trend: in 2025, food imports exceeded exports for the first time, reaching $797 million against $596 million.
A closer look at Moldova’s agricultural exports makes the picture even more discouraging. What the country does export is largely raw materials, such as grain and seeds. At the same time, it is becoming increasingly dependent on imports of processed goods, as well as fruits and vegetables. In other words, the economy is steadily moving toward a more primitive structure.
Particularly telling is a situation that until recently would have seemed unthinkable. A few years ago, PAS representatives made loud statements such as, “We will no longer export apples to Russia”, presenting it as a “geopolitical victory”. Today, however, a trip to the supermarket reveals a new reality: vegetables from Russia on the shelves.
Quite a joke. During the Soviet period, Moldova was known as the “garden of the USSR”, supplying its produce to a vast market. Today, however, it is becoming a consumer of the same goods, now produced thousands of kilometers away. Moreover, according to buyers, these vegetables often surpass alternatives from other countries, such as Turkey, in terms of quality.
Nevertheless, the official rhetoric remains unchanged. The authorities continue to campaign against everything Russian, urging the population to support a complete break with the CIS and a reorientation of all exports toward European markets, citing inadequate eastern logistics. Meanwhile, Russian products continue to expand their presence on the domestic market. In rural shops, it is easy to find tomatoes and cucumbers from the Stavropol region. The situation is beginning to resemble something surreal.
A natural question arises: if Russia, as our politicians often claim, is on the verge of economic collapse, why does reality suggest otherwise? Why does a country under unprecedented sanctions pressure continue not only to supply itself but also to export its products, reaching even such non-traditional markets as ours?
Against this backdrop, Moldova’s situation looks especially stark. Increased economic dependence on external markets, energy vulnerability, and a deteriorating infrastructure push the country to the margins of regional development. A single crisis, whether in the Middle East or in the energy sector, is enough to throw the country into turmoil. This indicates not temporary difficulties, but irreversible processes of deindustrialization.
Agriculture, which could have been a pillar of the economy, remains a “white elephant” under the current authorities. Rising costs, logistical problems, fertilizer shortages, and the lack of consistent state policy are pushing local producers out of the market. As a result, the country is becoming increasingly dependent on imports, including in sectors where it was previously competitive. At the same time, the authorities make it clear that there are no plans, and never will be, to improve the sector.
Infrastructure projects announced as unprecedented in the country’s history, such as the construction of the “Vulcanesti-Chisinau” power line, prove to be unviable not even because of flaws in strategic thinking. They are initially positioned as political actions against someone rather than as foundations for development, and as a result remain vulnerable due to simple geographical factors.
Meanwhile, the ruling party’s political program still boils down to loud slogans. Real issues – attracting investment, expanding production, ensuring economic resilience, which politicians discuss before elections or appointments (including the current Prime Minister Alexandru Munteanu) do not make it onto the agenda. Everywhere there is alarmism and populism, as if the country is in a perpetual electoral cycle or facing an imminent external threat. Pompous speeches, calls for national pride, and mockery of eastern neighbors may yield quick political dividends, but clearly do not create infrastructure or economic growth.
The main problem, clearly, does not lie with external players. Neither Russia nor the West determines Moldova’s fate. The key factor is the ruling elite’s ability to act while realistically assessing its capabilities and resources. Geography and economics do not obey political statements. Russia will not disappear from the region, just as global economic dependencies do not vanish at the decree of our president, parliament, or government. Small states cannot afford to ignore this reality.
The issue is not about sympathies or antipathies: it is a matter of survival, rational policy, and sound governance but, alas, not in our case. The ailment of the current regime manifests itself in a categorical rejection of pragmatism and a simple unwillingness to build or create. For it, moving from slogans to real work is an impossible step, threatening to expose an unflattering reality. The ruling elite has confined Moldova to the role of a passive observer, one that actively comments on everything happening around it, yet makes no claim to participate in these processes.
The statements made by ruling party deputies when denouncing the founding documents of the CIS is a good example. Opposition parliamentarians and citizens were told in a didactic manner that Moldova would retain the ability to benefit from the free trade zone with CIS countries, since the economic agreement itself is planned to remain in force, while only the fundamental political frameworks are being removed. There will be no answer to the simple question of why your now-former partners would agree to such an arrangement. This is neither naivety nor stupidity. It is a strategic calculation based on anticipating a negative response, which will then be used as yet another argument about the unreliability of the former partner and the correctness of pursuing a full severance of relations.
In such a situation, it could happen that even the non-traditional, market-oriented CIS sector of donkey breeding, which Minister of Economy Eugen Osmochescu recently spoke about with pride, ends up sidelined.