Stalinism and Nazism Equalized In Chisinau. Moldova Lost the Last Hope for Unity?

Dorin Mocanu, RTA: The situation in Moldova remains difficult –  although the ACUM and PSRM coalition managed with international support to expel oligarch Plahotniuc, the current socio-economic situation has not changed overnight. Although it is high time for Moldovan politicians to focus exclusively on important practical issues, the government of the Republic of Moldova still does not ignore the ‘more than ever relevant’ and rather spicy ideological and historical aspects, without which the Moldovan policy can no longer be imagined. On August 14, the government of the Republic of Moldova decided to declare the coming August 23 “Day of remembrance of the victims of Stalinism and Nazism”, thus joining the decision of the European Parliament from 2009. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the signing of the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Over the past decades, the document has repeatedly become a stumbling block for politicians and powers, rightly becoming a symbol of the dark historical past of Europe, when two totalitarian regimes forcibly divided countries and peoples. Today, the Moldovan government has come under the same banner with European interpretations of the events of those years, which have long drawn a sign of equality between communism and national socialism. Chisinau in addition compassionately harmonized with the Romanian brothers, agreeing that August 23, 1939 was one of the most tragic episodes for Bucharest and Chisinau – Romanians from both banks of the Prut. It is foolish to deny that the decision is much more about politics than history, and the new government of Moldova adopted it as a manifesto of no alternative agreement with the European principles and interpretations of the history of the 20th century. Certainly, the Sandu government also had tactical reasons related to the need to mobilize and maintain the spirit of the pro-European electorate before local elections. What’s telling is that the decision of Chisinau, albeit prepared in advance, was published the day after the meeting in the administration of President Igor Dodon, where he discussed with colleagues the holding of events from 23 to 25 August for the 75th anniversary of the liberation of Moldova from fascism. In such a simple way the representatives of the ruling majority combined sorrows and joys in one date within one small country. While one part of the society and politicians will lay wreaths at the Stefan monument in Chisinau in the commemoration processions, the other half will honor the Stalinist red army soldiers and establish a monument to the heroes-liberators in front of the Academy of Sciences of Moldova. August 23 is a special day not only for the whole of Europe, but also for the history of Moldova. After the separation as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact from Royal Romania, part of Bessarabia was united with left-bank Transdniestria into a single all-Union republic. There is also no common position on this issue in the modern Moldovan society: some believe that the creation of the MSSR has allowed modern Moldova to gain its current independence, while others consider the forced tearing away of the province of Bessarabia from Romania as a historical drama for the entire Romanian nation. Such disputes did not arise when Chisinau gained independence after the collapse of the USSR: then the Parliament of Moldova firmly distanced themselves from any Soviet influence, and recognized the establishment of the MSSR illegal, as well as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Haste in this matter played into the hands of the authorities in Tiraspol, who today insist on the alleged ‘voluntary’ Chisinau’s relinquishing of the territory on the left bank. In the pursuit of approval from Brussels through such gestures of loyalty, the imprudent emphasis of the Sandu government on certain historical dates can once again turn into unpleasant consequences for the unity of the state. So the Moldovan elite only fuels the continuing polarization of the Moldovan society, bringing more arguments for the opponents of the territorial integrity and carelessly supplying Tiraspol with reasons for bombastic statements about “pro-Romanian Moldova”. Apparently, Moldovan politicians are failing the test of political consistency and neutrality in relation to painful for society and clearly geopolitical topics. The Moldovan people, as before, will go through experiments with history, geopolitics, language and other aspects that deprive the country of any prospects for further socio-political integrity.