Vladimir ROTAR
As the presidential election approaches, the main opposition candidate Maia Sandu is increasingly getting under not only the ruling coalition’s fire but also under that of her nominal allies and like-minded people on the right flank.
Today, according to the CEC decision, the presidential race officially starts in Moldova. The elections themselves, we recall, are scheduled for November 1 unless of course, the pandemic intervenes, and considering the current infection statistics it is more than likely. However, international partners have repeatedly made it clear to the country's leadership that it is extremely undesirable under any circumstances postponing elections.
The formally launched election campaign has been going on for a long time. One way or another, both as the ruling coalition representatives and the current president, as the opposition camp link all the statements and actions with it. At the same time, there is no particular doubt that the struggle intensity will only increase in the next two months and both the administrative resource on the one hand and various incriminating materials on the other will continue to be used.
The events happening around one of the main presidential candidates - Maia Sandu clearly show that after a short period of calm in August the intensity of the confrontation is growing. Recently, the PAS leader has repeatedly come under criticism’ and various accusations’ fire coming from different directions.
Thus, one of the last weeks’ loud media "communication" was Sandu being accused of intention to organize the sale of agricultural land in Moldova to foreign citizens. As evidence, the socialists who initiated the attack cited the politician's support for foreign investors’ proposals set to improve the business climate in the republic, which, among other things, contained a clause on land sailing. In addition, one set in motion the criticism flywheel over Sandu's activities as Minister of Education: about both: many Moldovan schools closing under the pretext of optimizing the school network, and about corruption component presence in organizing surveillance cameras for examinations purchase tender. Socialist MP Vlad Batrincea even submitted a request to the General Prosecutor's Office regarding the latest episode.
Even more interesting is the situation in the camp of Moldovan opposition, which also hardly favors the presidential campaign of the PAS chairman. Apparently, both the closest allies and ideologically close forces are playing their own game, the goal of which is to by any means prevent Sandu from winning the presidential election.
One can in particular judge about the latest if closer attention to the activity on the right flank. Thus, the PLDM congress on August 16 re-elected Vladimir Filat as party chairman. Although after his release from prison, the ex-prime minister promised to stay away from politics, he was, in fact, consistently preparing his "big return." Filat's actions confirmed RTA's
forecast that releasing from prison was part of a deal that involves working in the interests of the ruling coalition and creation of a competitive field for other right-wing politicians - primarily, of course, Maia Sandu.
After PLDM’s notorious appointment, a few days later, the party made a proposal to the pro-European parties to form a single bloc and participate in the presidential and possible early parliamentary elections. The initiators of the proposal reasonably expected a refusal (it is practically impossible to imagine PAS' cooperation with the current PLDM and especially with Filat) and received it, moreover, in a very sharp form and with unequivocally hinted. This gave rise to the Liberal Democrats to come at odds with the party "Action and Solidarity", accusing "colleagues" of "arrogance and selfishness." Apparently, such "quarrels" will further continue, creating the necessary tension within the right camp and the field for denigrating Sandu’s and the formation she leads’ image.
However, Maia Sandu's presidential aspirations main opponent still remains her closest ally and partner Andrei Nastase. Last week, he again raised the topic of allegedly Sandu’s "betrayal" when not keeping her promise to nominate Nastase as a single presidential candidate, and has also organized an information attack on her supporters’ ex-prime minister in the media and social networks.
Nastase's logic is not difficult to understand. The politician’s personal rating that rose on anti-oligarchic protests, plummeted against the background of recent failures. Now there is no longer the protest movement leader’s halo behind him; what he got instead is the image of an ineffective leader with dubious initiatives (something like a large crucifix inside the Interior Ministry installing) and even more dubious successes, alike that of a loser who “handed over” the capital to a representative of the left forces for the first time in many years. The DA itself rating also fluctuates around the limit score. Under these conditions, rumors of fermentation within the platform are multiplying, since many members do really look towards more successful colleagues from PAS and other parties.
Sandu's victory could be the final blow to the already weakened DA, especially if the scenario of early elections is implemented, a thing the pro-European curators insisted on. Therefore, despite the formally continuing partnership between the two pro-European parties, communication between them has been reduced to almost zero, and Nastase himself, to the best of his strength and capabilities, is actively "drowning" his ally. Both the DA and the PLDM also seem to be hoping to properly “profit” from the PAS, which will inevitably begin to lose supporters if Maia Sandu loses in the autumn elections.
Thus, the right-wing camp is again approaching the next election campaign in a rather disassembled condition, which cannot but please the ruling coalition, whose
election plans have gone down the drain because of the pandemic. This way, the opposition whose constituent parts continue to work hard against each other, risks again not winning votes for its main candidate and that may play a decisive role in the presidential race outcome.