Why Are Relations with Germany Important for Moldova?

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Sergiu CEBAN Berlin has long been pursuing a policy of drawing Moldova into its orbit of influence, which from time to time bears specific results, as for example, the victory of a pro-European candidate in the presidential elections. The PAS party success in the July 11 voting and its subsequent coming to power as a key (or the only) element of the ruling coalition will just consolidate the vector for Moldova and Germany’s strategic rapprochement Last month, Maia Sandu made her first official visit to Germany as president-elect. This trip was very important for the current head of state in terms of determining the future policy of Berlin and the European Union towards Moldova in the medium term. The current presidential administration does not hide its strong ties with German partners, which are expressed not only in a warm welcome of Sandu in Berlin, but also in close cooperation with leading German structures that provide expert and analytical support to the presidency. This work, as it became known recently, is built on the basis of the corresponding memorandum of cooperation with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, signed on the German side by Martin Sieg, the Head of the organization for Moldova and Romania. Post-Soviet Eastern European states, including Moldova, occupy a special place in the foreign policy of the FRG. It is important to note that throughout the entire independent existence of our republic, Berlin has been one of the most stable foreign partners of Chisinau, implementing an understandable and consistent policy to bring Moldova closer to the common European space. It was Germany that played an important role in the republic's accession to the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe, as well as in the development of the Moldova-European Union Action Plan, which formed the basis of the country's strategic course. Berlin openly expressed its political position towards our country in 2004, when the Bundestag approved for the first time a resolution “Supporting the reunification and democratization of the Republic of Moldova”, which no other European capital has ever done. Four years later, the German parliament adopted an even stronger statement "Supporting the European Integration of the Republic of Moldova", which had a serious impact on the mobilization of a new generation of Moldovan politicians who came to power in 2009 after the well-known events. To a certain extent, Berlin was one of the "co-founders" of alliances for European integration and patronized several political projects in Moldova, first of all, Vlad Filat's Liberal Democratic Party, in whose close circle was the incumbent President Maia Sandu. In addition, the then head of the Moldovan government, Iurie Leanca, was advised by the same German expert Martin Sieg. Following the Vice President of the United States Joseph Biden, Angela Merkel arrived in Chisinau on her first official visit in 2012, which became an important evidence of Berlin's special attention and involvement in the affairs of our country. Due to various internal political circumstances and cataclysms that occurred in Moldova in the period from 2014 to 2019, the main application of German efforts was participation in the formation and promotion of a new project, the ACUM block. It was formed from individual politicians who came out from under the wing of the PLDM, as well as the group of Andrei Nastase, closely associated with fugitive businessmen Viorel and Viсtor Tsop, who settled in Germany and received political asylum there. Thus, Berlin’s continued high inclusiveness within both: internal affairs of Chisinau and in the situation around the country, suggests that Germany is still interested in expanding the space of its interests and the European Union in the Eastern European direction. Meanwhile, one of the important elements of the projection of such a policy is to ensure regional stability, which determines, in one way or another, not the last role of the FRG in the process of the Transdniestrian settlement. It is known that Berlin and Moscow have long been trying to find common points of contact regarding conflicts on the post-Soviet perimeter, and the most recent example here is the so-called Dodon's Big Package, which was presented during the annual Munich conference. However, the greatest effect was nevertheless produced by the German-Russian Meseberg initiative in 2010, which made it possible to literally, a year later, unblock negotiations on the Transdniestrian problem and resume work in the 5+2 format after a long pause since 2006. In addition, in 2016, during the German chairmanship of the OSCE, through the FRG efforts, it was possible reanimating the dialogue between Chisinau and Tiraspol and define a work agenda for several years in the notorious Berlin Protocol. At present, Germany continues to keep its hand "on the pulse of the Transdniestrian settlement" through a career German diplomat at the head of the OSCE Mission. Interestingly, for the first time, Klaus Neukirch replaced the US representative in this post, which since the opening of the Mission to Moldova retained the exclusive right to appoint the head of the OSCE local mission. The latest news related to the active purchase of Moldovan banking assets and objects of strategic importance (among the latest vivid examples is the Giurgiulesti port) by German investors with European cover, testify to the long-term intentions of the leading EU economy towards our country in terms of political and economic presence. Here, one can also recall Maia Sandu’s recent statement saying that assistance to the Moldovan customs will arrive from Germany, apparently with the aim of blocking one of the main problems - smuggling. Therefore, Berlin can be expected to promote its man in EUBAM. For many years already, Germany has purposefully and rather successfully cultivated a policy of involving Moldova in the orbit of its influence. This has already brought specific results as the victory in last December elections for not just a pro-Western, but even rather a pro-European candidate, focused primarily on Brussels and Berlin. This is proved by the already mentioned agreement of the presidency with the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation, concluded practically in the first days of Maya Sandu's reign. The pro-presidential PAS party victory in the July 11 voting and its subsequent coming to power as a key (or the only) element of the ruling coalition will just consolidate the vector for Moldova and Germany’s strategic rapprochement.