ACUM – 2. A New Election Strategy of the Ruling Regime, or a Signal to the Rival?

Christian RUSSU

The renewed Together bloc making waves in the media is likely a banal effort by the ruling party to boost its value in the eyes of Alternativa as its potential coalition partner

The other day, on the air of one of the seemingly independent TV channels that provide a platform for representatives of the right-wing opposition, Alexandru Slusari, Maia Sandu’s former associate in the ACUM bloc, resented about the preservation of relatively low tariffs for energy carriers for left-bank enterprises. As a confirmation of the created disloyal competition, he cited the case of the Lafarge cement factory from Rezina, which was offered to pay for gas for production needs at the price of 29 lei. As a permanent aspirant to any position of power and a person who claims to be a defender of the national agrarian interests, he argued that the Ribnita cement plant should be charged the same price. After all, a good Transnistrian enterprise is an “idle enterprise”. It’s easy to guess the ramifications of such decisions for the economy and the population. Two closed factories on both banks of the Dniester, dismissed workers, imported cement in local shops, but according to people like Slusari, it is an urgent necessity for the sake of justice. This figure has become a headliner on the local news agenda in recent months. He actively criticizes the ruling authorities for allegedly making concessions to Transnistrian separatists, for failing to fulfil promises to raise their tariffs to European levels, levy parallel taxes on the budget or cut off gas supplies altogether. Avoiding any bad remarks about Maia Sandu, Slusari chose Dorin Recean as the target of his media attacks. The latter is blamed for betraying Bessarabian interests when interacting with Tiraspol representatives, accused of direct contacts with the regional leader Krasnoselski, criticized for letting gas transit from a Hungarian company, etc. It went so far as to initiate proceedings in court. However, if back in January, the prime minister openly threatened his opponent with reprisals, later he grew colder to the taunts. It is noteworthy that Slusari did not criticize the ruling regime about how we got to the point where we were paying 29 lei for gas on the right bank or how to thank the authorities for the current tariff of 17 lei. Another striking point. The ex-lawyer and ad man Slusari refuses to consider the arguments of his opponents about the existing liberalized market rules, the Third Energy Package or simply the cynical nature of business which seeks to make profit at any cost. The permanent presence in the information space of such citizens, who use methodologies of uncouth propaganda and selective criticism of the authorities, suggests that they are in demand. Since recently, all of Slusari’s colleagues from the Together bloc have been actively shaping the media agenda. Each of them has their own area. The energy expert Sergiu Tofilat, who visited Moldovagaz JSC as the country’s representative, is actively pedaling the issue of gas supplies. In particular, he criticizes the government for the delay in building reserves for the next heating season and the absence of an action plan to avoid repeating past mistakes. Another representative of the bloc, Stefan Gligor, is prone to criticize the authorities regarding the justice reform. Representatives of the DA platform stigmatize the government for its softness towards Moscow, which, according to their common belief with PAS, interferes rudely in Moldova’s internal affairs. If they were the authorities, the DA figures would simply expel the Russian ambassador, not limiting themselves to mere diplomats. Formation leaders with a rating of around 1% are granted the opportunity to campaign directly in the districts. The local authorities, with blessing of their PAS bosses, provide the opposition with venues for public meetings, such as cultural centers. Sometimes representatives of the ruling party even claim that the two structures are closely discussing the prospects of participation in the parliamentary elections, including the possibility of forming a single electoral list. The right-wing opposition leaders, of course, deny everything, accusing the authorities of an unfair political campaign and saying that they have no direct talks with PAS. Perhaps there is some truth. It is unlikely that the arrogant deputies of the party in power are in direct contact with the right-wing opposition leaders. Our country has a whole range of political consultants and advisers, including foreign ones, for this purpose. One way or another, the alleviated election campaign of the Together bloc testifies to the existence of behind-the-scenes agreements to support the project both politically and financially. The activity of Vasile Costiuc’s Democracy at Home is a reverse example. He constantly suffers for his pushiness and criticism. Persecution by law enforcement agencies, deprivation of driving license, new threats of prosecution by deputies and ministers from the ruling party – all this is a daily routine for Costiuc, who chose the path of active criticism of the authorities. However, let’s get back to our point. The heavy loss with the betrayal of CUB party leader Igor Munteanu was recently compensated by the arrival of one of the old-timers of party formation in the country - the Green Ecologist Party headed by Anatolie Prohnitski. The party is a peer of modern Moldovan statehood with an almost unchanged rating below the statistical error and much lower than Munteanu’s CUB.  Nevertheless, the media effect from replenishing the ranks of the right-wing opposition bloc will obviously not be superfluous for its leaders in their future activities. If we consider the Together bloc promotion from the point of view of the ruling party’s interests, such an opponent in the election race can help to solve several tasks at once, and depending on the further developments will allow to determine the main scenario in the elections. The refusal to put pressure on the opponents from the right camp is, of course, positively perceived in European chancelleries, but, from a practical point of view, the Together bloc should become a spoiler for the main political rival, Alternativa, featuring Ion Ceban, Ion Chicu, Alexandr Stoianoglo and Mark Tkaciuk who has joined their ranks for a reason. The latter are most likely to be the partner for the future coalition in parliament, but before the deal, PAS intends to strengthen its negotiating position as much as possible. One of the possible scenarios could be the revival of the ACUM bloc. At least, this idea is being actively promoted among the former allies. However, the probability of this depends on the members of the Together bloc themselves. It is virtually impossible for the former ACUM members to radically change the pre-election balance and regain the trust of the electorate, and the main reason is the narrow limits of what is permitted. You can criticize the prime minister or ministers, get into an altercation with MPs, vilify excessive softness to the perpetrator of all the country’s current woes, the aggressor and disturber of international order in the Kremlin, but you cannot slam President Maia Sandu or respected European partners. Admit it, when witnessing an indicative execution of accomplices while the main offender is never subject to even the slightest criticism, you can’t help but question whether this play is worth watching.