Moldovan Police Morphed into PAS and Maia Sandu’s PMC

Four years of PAS and Maia Sandu’s rule have been a severe test for the national police. Under the guise of fighting for democracy and protecting against external threats, the ruling regime has, in practice, assigned law enforcement the role of an instrument for pressuring and persecuting its own citizens on electoral and political grounds

Just recently, Moldova’s police were regarded as one of the few institutions that, despite poverty and corruption, still managed to fulfill their core mission – protecting citizens and maintaining public order. Around five years ago, public opinion polls showed confidence in the police approaching 50%. Yet by 2025 that figure had nearly halved. This decline is the direct consequence of four years of PAS and Maia Sandu’s rule, under which the police have come to resemble less a guardian of the people and more a coercive instrument of the ruling regime. And here is a symbolic detail from the days leading up to the upcoming elections: police cars have been adorned with stickers reading “Nu te juca cu votul” – “Don’t play with your vote”. On the surface, this looks like a call to safeguard electoral integrity, but in reality, it comes across as a stern, Soviet-style warning. Unsurprisingly, people perceived this “information campaign” as outright intimidation. And this is just one of the latest strokes in the portrait of our so-called “valiant” police, whose main mission has become safeguarding the political stability of the current regime. The same applies to the numerous administrative reports on so-called “electoral corruption”. These can be seen as direct pressure on citizens who dared to voice or show support for alternative political forces. And while in the cities the arbitrariness of law enforcement can still be held somewhat in check, in the villages, judging by eyewitness accounts, police are increasingly perceived as “black-hundred enforcers”, ready to draw up a report or haul someone in for questioning over the slightest pretext. While the police are busy carrying out PAS’ political orders, the country’s crime situation remains far from stable. Official statistics from the National Bureau for 2024 recorded 24.6 thousand crimes – 2.5% more than the year before. Every fifth case falls into the category of serious or especially serious offenses. Around 13 thousand people became victims of this crime wave, including hundreds of women who suffered from domestic violence. Moreover, according to the Agency for Digitalization in Justice and Judicial Administration, the number of people convicted by first-instance courts in 2024 reached 10.9 thousand – an average of 30 individuals per day. Compared to 2023, this figure rose by 19.6%. Imprisonment, unpaid community service, and suspended sentences remain the main punishments applied to these individuals. One of the obvious reasons for the critical state of the law enforcement system lies in the fact that the police are going through, strange as it may sound, the most catastrophic staffing crisis in the history of the republic’s independence. According to media reports, the shortfall amounts to about one-third of the total force. The shortage is felt most acutely in the provinces, primarily due to significant professional risks that are not offset by relevant salaries or social benefits. The drastic decline in the authority of the police is also linked to the personnel policies of recent years in the upper echelons of the ministry, which raise many questions. Increasingly, senior positions in the Ministry of Internal Affairs are being filled by civilians with no experience in law enforcement. Formally, this is explained by “reforms” and a “new approach”, but among rank-and-file officers the arrival of such outsiders provokes deep resentment. Serving under a political manager rather than a professional means losing both motivation and respect for the service. Meanwhile, the authorities justify the police’s tougher actions by the need to counter external threats, and especially the “Kremlin’s plans” aimed at destabilizing the country. In 2024, the Prosecutor’s Office and the police proudly reported preventing vote-buying schemes and attempts to organize unrest. Yet, as often happens, the public is left with a sense of double standards. Some high-profile figures, such as Evghenia Gutul, come under heavy pressure, while others manage to escape accountability. This is felt most acutely when it comes to uncovered corruption cases involving “inside men”, such as Rosian Vasiloi, who resigned last fall amid scandal from his post as head of the Border Police. What pains society the most is the sense that the police not only fail to protect citizens, but are themselves entangled in dubious affairs. Behind the scenes, accusations spread that law enforcement is “covering” dubious schemes tied to tobacco smuggling and illegal migration. International investigations have repeatedly noted that our country is used as a transit corridor for foreigners heading to Europe. Journalists and experts have long pointed out that smuggling routes with decades of history run through Moldova, that could not have survived so long without the involvement of law enforcement. As a result, while ordinary people are being harassed over trumped-up political violations, real criminal schemes feel quite comfortable. This situation badly damages the image of the police, now seen as partners and protectors of the shadow economy. The authorities, of course, have their own reasons about “external interference”. Russia, obviously, makes no secret of its interest in Moldovan politics and seeks to influence it by available means as, indeed, do other international actors, first and foremost the European Union. But if the state truly speaks of outside manipulation of public opinion, then it ought to resist such attempts regardless of their origin, which, of course, is not the case. Meanwhile, the more actively the police engage in political battles under the banner of “state interests”, but actually on the side of the PAS party, the faster they lose the trust of ordinary citizens. And without that trust, the prospects for law enforcement are, to put it mildly, bleak: without public support, the policing system cannot be effective, which ultimately leads to the collapse of the internal foundations of national security. Today, one thing is clear: Moldova needs a genuine, deep, and systemic reform of its police, not “lipsticks” made for the sake of EU reporting. First and foremost, professionalism and internal trust must be restored, which means the police should be led not by random figures or political appointees, but by officers who know the service from within, possess real experience, and command respect. Equally important is raising the prestige of the profession and ensuring proper compensation; otherwise, it is meaningless to speak of quality recruitment. And, above all, task number one is to put an end to the politicization of law enforcement. The police must stand with the citizens, not with ruling parties, coalitions, or presidents. The conduct of the election campaign should rest solely with the Central Electoral Commission and international observers, since endless raids, searches, and administrative protocols do nothing to improve its image neither in the eyes of domestic society, nor in the view of foreign audiences. Four years of PAS and Maia Sandu’s rule have been a severe test for the Moldovan police. Under the guise of defending democracy and protecting against external threats, the ruling regime has effectively turned the police into an instrument of pressure and persecution against its own citizens for electoral and political purposes. Against the backdrop of a worsening socio-economic situation, growing poverty, and emigration, law enforcement should be the last bastion of support for the people. Yet instead, in the eyes of society, the police are increasingly perceived as a private military company guarding an impregnable stronghold, where the ruling gang of “celestials” has entrenched itself.