The link between corruption schemes in the Moldovan Interpol bureau and the high-profile murder of a Turkish criminal gang leader in Chisinau is obvious
Christian RUSSU, RTA:
The high-profile scandal with abuses and machinations of Moldovan law enforcers in the so-called Interpol case was almost hushed up when suddenly things took another turn. Izzet Eren, a Turkish citizen known as the leader of the Tottenham Turks criminal group, was shot dead at point-blank range in the center of Chisinau. A few hours later, photo and video materials surfaced in the media showing the alleged killer calmly travelling on a scooter through the streets of the city. All this caused a wide resonance and reasonable questions to the law enforcers. To the amazement of the capital’s residents, it turned out that their city had become a haven for representatives of international crime, who could sit quietly in dining establishments next to our families.
The information that the Turkish man shot dead had been in Moldova for two years, despite an international search at the request of the British Interpol bureau, fit logically into the criminal scheme revealed by the head of the Anticorruption Prosecutor’s Office, Veronica Dragalin. The foreigner entered the country without problems, and after being detained in May 2022, he was helped to apply for asylum. As a result, four extradition requests from the UK, which is one of Moldova’s most important strategic partners, were never granted. Letters from the British justice structures were sent to Moldovan courts, where they were reviewed without haste, and only on 3 July, eventually, the final verdict denying asylum was adopted.
In other words, it turns out that the Turkish national was calmly waiting in a coffee shop in Chisinau for his inevitable extradition to the UK, but was suddenly shot dead. Or the foreign recidivist and his lawyers, who ostensibly had so skillfully delayed the process, knew nothing about the final court decision. Or maybe this judgement appeared retroactively after the murder had happened? In any case, it seems that Izzet Eren, who received temporary shelter in our country for a reason, could have told British law enforcers a lot about manipulations of Moldovan law enforcers with Interpol data, but was prevented.
The opinion of Viorel Cernauteanu, head of the General Inspectorate of Police, that “a well-prepared assassin, probably coming from abroad, acted” is noteworthy, and the situation “once again confirms the justification of the measures for enhanced filtration of foreigners and our citizens when crossing the border”. The current police chief in principle demonstrates commendable skills of crisis PR-management, imitating the rapid response and boisterous activity of the headed structure. The information that the suspects in the murder had already been caught surfaced in the media, but this is not certain. Only in the evening it turned out that not the killer himself had been detained, but other persons, who could have useful information for the law enforcers. In the meantime, the minister of interior was mumbling on TV, without explaining why the murdered man was in a café in Chisinau and not in the pre-trial detention center.
The General Prosecutor’s Office also distinguished itself by shifting responsibility for the protracted extradition process to the judicial authorities. Such an interpretation pictures police and prosecutors as innocent victims of the circumstances, which is ironic. Data released by Veronica Dragalin make it clear that the manipulation of Interpol databases was only part of a corruption scheme involving police officers from various departments. To make only magistrates from judicial instances responsible for this situation is hardly possible. Confusion among MPs of the ruling party also shows that everything is not that smooth in the new high-profile episode of the scandal around the Moldovan Interpol bureau. The head of the Parliamentary Commission for National Security, Defense and Public Order, Lilian Carp, was clearly misinformed by the “impeccable” arguments of law enforcers, as he first announced parliamentary hearings on the tragedy and then hastily cancelled them, moving them to the platform of his commission.
In any case, there are already some ramifications for the defendants in the Interpol case. For instance, the head of the organization’s Moldovan bureau Viorel Tentiu was returned from house arrest to the pre-trial detention center. Perhaps other results of law enforcers’ activity will be presented to the public.
So far, behind all this poorly concealed theatre of the absurd, only the tip of the iceberg has been exposed. But it is obvious that entire criminal groups from abroad have taken refuge in Moldova. This poses a threat to public security, while our authorities find themselves in the role of negligent participants of the international community, who prevent effective justice against transnational criminals.
There is nothing to be surprised about, since the political bias of our law enforcement agencies and the continuation of the telephone law are constantly confirmed. The most vivid manifestation of the prosperity of such phenomena is the resumption of criminal prosecution of Alexandr Stoianoglo. As soon as he announced his intention to enter the presidential race, there was an instant reaction. On the very next day, the Criminal Collegium of the Chisinau Court of Appeal decided to start the examination of the case, which had been on hold for a year and a half, concerning Veaceslav Platon’s release.
Recent events once again demonstrate that the most dangerous aspect for the authorities in terms of electoral prospects are not the maneuvers of the opposition, but the consequences of their own actions and decisions, which fall on the country like God’s punishment.