What’s Happening around the Polling Stations for Residents of Transnistria?

The Central Election Commission announced the opening of only 10 polling stations for Moldovan nationals from Transnistria to vote in the elections on September 28, causing outrage in Tiraspol and discontent among the opposition

In recent days, Tiraspol and Chisinau have been brawling over the polling stations that will be open for Moldovans living in Transnistria to vote in the parliamentary elections. On Friday, Deputy Chair of the Central Election Commission Pavel Postica warned that the commission was considering reducing their number to ten. All of them, of course, will locate on the right bank. The region responded immediately, demanding the opening of 41 polling stations, as in the previous elections. The Supreme Council, local people’s deputies, and the “human rights commissioner” made corresponding statements. Tiraspol appeals not only to Chisinau, but also to several international and European agencies, whose feedback is still lagging. The Reintegration Bureau also intervened in the confrontation – initially unexpectedly in favour of the left bank. It formally called on the Central Election Commission to provide the opportunity to vote for all residents of the region who are ready to show up for the elections. Apparently, Political Representative Roman Roşca, who ended up at the end of the PAS list, is counting on maintaining his current assignment and would not like to hear unnecessary reproaches from Tiraspol and international partners in the future about discrimination and violation of the electoral rights of Transnistrian people. However, today he has abruptly begun to change his rhetoric, perhaps after briefing with the party management. Tiraspol says that last year (before the presidential elections and referendum) 30 polling stations were opened and not all but just a few could vote because of false reports of mining, blocking of bridges, etc. The field team of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights mission, which will observe the parliamentary campaign and draw up a corresponding report, has already arrived in Moldova, but has not yet said its word. This story has led PAS in a typical zugzwang. On the one hand, restrictions against its nationals from Transnistria could hit the regime’s image and reintegration plans. On the other hand, the ruling party cannot give in to Tiraspol’s demands, which are seen as inspired by Moscow (which is also unhappy with the intended opening of only two polling stations). Russia is already collecting money to send Moldovan nationals to their homeland or other countries on election day in order to get as many votes as possible against Maia Sandu’s team. Tiraspol will not be able to do the same, since local Moldovans can only vote at specially designated polling stations on the right bank of the Dniester. Moreover, the police have already received orders to monitor and prevent the so-called ‘transportation” of voters as closely as possible. The situation looks as if PAS has already accepted defeat within the country and expects to secure a decisive advantage with the diaspora (this was the outcome of last year’s campaigns). To do this, the authorities need to limit the participation of the population from the “wrong regions” and stimulate the attraction of votes of their compatriots in Western countries. In the case of Transnistria, the past experience of mining and blocking was probably not considered successful, since it almost led to tension in the security zone. Therefore, the decision was made to limit voting rights top-down at the level of the Central Election Commission. The opposition responds to this by paying increased attention to voting outside the country. Igor Dodon has already announced to apply joint efforts of the Patriotic Bloc and the Alternative to record and prevent falsifications at foreign polling stations. Moreover, the Socialists led by Dodon yesterday held their first protest outside the Central Election Commission due to the possible reduction of polling stations for the left bank. All the participants in the elections have made their moves, although the situation around the Transnistrians remains uncertain. On Tuesday, the Central Election Commission listed the points that will guide it in making final decision: “the dynamics of voter participation in the last three election campaigns, ensuring the integrity and transparency of the electoral process, as well as the safety of voters and polling station staff”. It is difficult to estimate the threats the Commission sees for the transparency of the elections and, in particular, the safety of people and polling station staff when it comes to arranging voting exclusively in the territories controlled by the national police. It seems that the Central Election Commission is at a loss and is simply waiting for the appropriate go-ahead from the president’s office and the ruling party. The scenario for the Central Election Commission is made easier by the fact that any decision, even one that infringes on the rights of the region’s residents, will be accepted by default in the West, which is interested in preserving the PAS regime. And all internal complaints can be easily “drowned” in the constitutional court, which new composition (selected on the principle of loyalty to the ruling regime) was recently approved during a special session of the departing parliament. Based on this, we can assume that the plans to limit the voting in Transnistria will still be implemented. Ten or slightly more polling stations will be opened, but certainly significantly fewer than the number of stations opened last year. When every vote can be decisive, PAS will not stop at such trifles as infringing on the rights of part of the population. The situation around the voting of the “wrong” people from Transnistria and Russia may be a prologue to further violations. Falsifications with voting via post and in the diaspora, manipulations with electoral lists, unfair campaign management, bans on participation in elections for undesirable political projects, the use of administrative and budgetary levers – these are the methods with which PAS hopes to continue to rule. If they do not meet with significant resistance from the opposition, this will open the space for further measures to power grab.