Expert: PAS Leadership Is No Longer about “Good Times”

From the “vremuri bune” (“good times”) period, the ruling party, after its election victory, is gradually entering an era of “unpopular decisions,” which offers the population little prospect of an improved standard of living

The departure from the pre-election euphoria with its many promising slogans of the winners is coming to an end. The final act of the months-long political “feast” was marked by the symbolic “celebration of democracy” within the walls of the newly elected parliament and by Brussels officials’ praise for our country’s “progress” on the path to European integration. The scriptwriters of our media landscape did everything possible to postpone the closure of yet another chapter in Moldova’s modern history. The surprisingly restrained and even noble gestures of politicians from the ruling party, the respectful attitude and tactful manners of the new head of government, and the unjustifiably polite response from the opposition – all this can be seen as evidence of a successfully executed political performance that has already become part of contemporary state mythology. Along with the soothing words of EU Commissioner Marta Kos about Moldova’s undisputed leadership on its path toward EU membership, this narrative is intended to ensure a smooth transition of the political process to more pressing and routine matters, which, unfortunately, offer little reason for optimism. The work of the new government led by Alexandru Munteanu began with unpleasant news for the population – a significant increase in tariffs for public services (in some cases, by as much as sevenfold) provided by the relevant state agency. This concerns not only civil status documents but also the cancellation of a number of free procedures. For example, marriage registration will now be available only for a fee. Of course, in the overall expenses of an average Moldovan wedding, this will not be the most significant item – but it is only the first sign of what’s to come. Since 2021, the regulation of public service tariffs has become a regular tool for the Maia Sandu administration to boost budget revenues. The change in the leadership of the customs authorities can also be seen in the same context. Formally, the prerogative to appoint the head of the relevant agency belongs to the Minister of Finance. However, in practice, decisions regarding this important position are usually made at a much higher level. The new official is a well-known figure, and this is far from the first time that individuals from outside the system have been brought into such specialized structures. Considering this person’s affiliations and professional background, it can be inferred that Moldova’s external partners are seeking to make the country’s budget revenues more predictable and less dependent on domestic political factors. This is yet another important signal of donor dissatisfaction with the sovereign decisions of the authorities in Chisinau. Moreover, the question of why customs revenues have not grown proportionally to the increase in imports and excise taxes has long been raised – and not only from abroad. Equally noteworthy are the revelations made by the new Minister of Economy, who stated that investors are showing interest in our country as a place for investment – investors who not only do not fear but, on the contrary, value the current geopolitical realities. To make it perfectly clear, Eugen Osmochescu explicitly said that this refers to the defense sector. Of course, no one expected that our country would remain on the periphery of the escalating confrontation on the continent. The European Commission’s statements that our country’s foreign policy achievements are “the most significant” and align with the EU’s positions on Russia and Belarus clearly indicate a growing trend toward militarization. However, both the new government and Munteanu personally were expected to attract investors to the real – civilian – sector of the economy. He himself stated from the parliamentary rostrum that the country cannot go far relying solely on injections from Western funds and banks. In addition to investments in strategic sectors and infrastructure – which can also be used for military purposes – the country needs private investment for genuine development. Could he have meant only Western companies from the military-industrial complex? Such blatant hints even overshadow the government’s decision to denounce the agreements with Russia concerning the operation of cultural centers. In all cases, the formal justification is the need to adequately respond to external hybrid threats. The structures responsible for this area include law enforcement agencies. However, given their reported “successes” in prosecuting citizens for so-called “electoral” corruption and the police’s effective takeover of the penitentiary system, it would be more accurate to refer to these bodies as punitive rather than law enforcement. Apparently, it is they who will be tasked with implementing a new system of censorship in those parts of the online space where a relative pluralism of opinions still exists – namely, social networks and messaging platforms. One might say that it is precisely in this area that external partners are leaving our authorities sufficient sovereign powers – a gesture of trust, so to speak. Moreover, the ability of our government to resist “unfriendly threats” is at times even cited as an example for other EU membership candidates. After all, we are the leaders in this process! Meanwhile, it is worth noting the changing tone of the authorities regarding our prospects for EU membership. Throughout the entire election campaign, they insisted that 2028-2030 were realistic dates for joining the EU achievable only under PAS leadership. After the elections, however, the narrative has been gradually shifting toward the technical side of the process, where these timeframes now refer merely to the stage of coordinating the accession decision. PAS representatives no longer speak about successfully ratifying the agreement by all 27 member states by 2030, yet it will not be easy to quickly adjust the overly high public expectations they themselves created. In the meantime, many unpopular decisions still lie ahead. The painful administrative reform – one of the main obligations to the EU – is only beginning to be approached. For now, officials say it will affect local councils, but there is a high probability that attempts to reformat the system of local self-government before the 2027 elections will end in failure, bringing with them significant electoral risks. Even half-hearted measures could lead to division. In the near future, the authorities will need some encouraging messages, preferably ones that point to increased prosperity or, at the very least, a reduction in the burden on household budgets. In light of the announced revision of natural gas tariffs in January next year, the authorities have so far not commented on the fate of the current energy subsidies, which are valid until the end of this year. It is quite possible that the long-awaited reduction in the gas tariff, if it happens at all, could in practice result in even higher costs for the population.