“Passions over the Prime Minister: Why Munteanu’s Candidacy Sparked Widespread Discontent”

The proposal to appoint a non-affiliated figure as head of government met with strong resistance. Spurred by certain influential figures, a wave of backlash arose, forcing Alexander Munteanu, the nominee for prime minister, to defend himself. Such a start to PAS’s new term in power could be a harbinger of yet another political crisis

Moldova has not yet been labeled a country overtaken by ressentiment, a term usually reserved by commentators for contemporary Russia. However, what is happening now fits that description quite well. From the very moment the possible candidacy for the position of prime minister was made public, the country’s information space began to fill with all sorts of reflections. Some lament that once again there were “no worthy candidates” among local Moldovans. Others draw attention to the allegedly questionable past of the nominee. Still others simply resent what they see as the imposition of decisions from outside. Frustrations over what is widely seen as a corrupt and persistent practice in the national political culture once again stem not from actual facts or actions of a particular individual, but simply from the perception of that person as a bearer of negative labels: “abandoned the country in difficult times,” “offshore schemer,” “got rich at the expense of ordinary citizens.” Here we see the all-too-familiar mix of banal envy – common to the masses regardless of nationality or language – and the hostility toward successful businessmen cultivated by the authorities for decades (hello Shor!). Once someone throws a new target into the virtual arena for public lynching, the crowd of eager participants instantly fills the amphitheater to the brim. Against this backdrop, everyone forgets about the real issues, fresh grievances, and the omnipresent injustice. The question of whom the prospective new head of government has displeased is now quite pressing. It is clear that opposing clans and circles of influence within PAS have not gone anywhere. United temporarily by the election campaign, those in power eagerly awaited the division of the post-electoral pie – or, in Maia Sandu’s version, the placinta. Even as they celebrated victory, the faction leaders within the ruling party were busy devising scenarios to preserve or expand their spheres of influence. Yet no one was in a hurry to step forward and assume public responsibility. Andrei Spinu and other prominent figures in the team have, over the past few years, developed a kind of immunity to publicity. Everyone finds it far more comfortable to rule from the shadows. Finding a candidate who meets the expectations of all groups and clans within the ruling party is extremely difficult. It is now clear that the post of prime minister will not bring any political dividends to whoever holds it. For successful business figures like Vasile Tofan, it represents more of a challenge – one fraught with risks to the established structures that secure their personal status and prosperity. At this point, the position may attract individuals aiming to build a managerial career abroad, where a “Prime Minister” entry in the CV could serve as a significant advantage. It is likely that this was precisely how influential figures envisioned the prospects for Chisinau businessman Alexandru Gutu. On the other hand, such a challenge could well be accepted by someone who, due to their age, financial security, and career background, is unafraid of risk and sees in it a final opportunity to fulfill the lingering ambition of reaching the highest echelons of state power. Alexandru Munteanu was acquainted with many politicians and heads of state. He accompanied and received them, and likely fully understood the allure that comes with the insignia of authority. Few would deny that his experience and competencies may prove insufficient for this position. Yet, given our political history, he is perhaps the most respectable candidate available. After all, everyone understands that the country is in the midst of a profound crisis. The accumulated debts spent merely to maintain the illusion of stability are numerous, and the payments on them are now comparable to the incoming tranches. There is no one for the ruling party to blame but itself. Alarmist rhetoric and the constant search for external enemies will no longer win the European Union’s additional support. The authorities will soon have to resort to highly unpopular measures, such as seeking new domestic revenue sources and cutting expenditures. The reduction or elimination of tax incentives already stipulated in the commitments made to external creditors is only part of the inevitable course of action. The implementation of the administrative reform, intended to streamline district structures by consolidating them and thereby curtailing the powers of local authorities, will inevitably trigger a wave of public discontent. The era of past populist support measures is likely coming to an end. To attract investments capable of ensuring budgetary stability, conditions will need to be created by relinquishing protection over valuable assets and sectors that are, at least formally, state-owned. It will be necessary to dismantle the entrenched corruption schemes enriching those in and around power, to redistribute financial flows, and to strengthen oversight and accountability to external institutions – such will be the tasks facing the country’s future chief manager. Alexandru Munteanu appears ready for this, but many of the current beneficiaries within the ruling party are not. Formally, no objections were raised when the prime ministerial candidate was presented to the deputies of the victorious party. Discipline was maintained, yet backstage a confrontation immediately unfolded. The motive is simple: the election winners from PAS are being imposed a foreigner. The non-partisan Dorin Recean and the “apolitical” President Maia Sandu have determined the fate of a party without its party. And so, the country is not far from yet another political crisis. One of the main challenges for Munteanu, as it seemed, would be assembling a team to help him set the country back on track. An experienced manager could probably handle such a challenge, especially since it should, a priori, be part of any candidate’s risk assessment. What he apparently did not anticipate, however, was the massive wave of rejection and hate coming from the ruling party itself and the society it influences. It is unlikely that a Moldovan citizen, having spent two decades abroad by fate, could have expected such a hostile reception and found himself having to defend his past. The dissemination of essentially meaningless facts from his earlier life, such as work in offshore companies, proved an effective move against him only because Moldovan society has been conditioned to react to such signals. Over the past several years, streams of propaganda have poured from the authorities’ mouthpieces. Anti-corruption crusaders, oligarch hunters, and offshore watchdogs have constantly pressured the population, instilling a deep intolerance for ordinary realities. In the pursuit of maintaining power, the nation’s health has been sacrificed. The prospects for a society that is “ill” yet refuses treatment for irrational reasons are, I think, clear to everyone.