“The Battle of the Marches” in Chisinau as a Symbol of a Divided Nation

Recently, Maia Sandu has unveiled plans to hold a “March of Sovereignty” on June 23 to mark 35 years since Moldova’s Declaration of Sovereignty. Some analysts view this as an attempt to seize the sovereigntist agenda, which until now has been actively exploited by the opposition, presenting it as an alternative to European integration and promoting it in the spirit of anti-globalist trends. In this light, the upcoming event may serve as a tool to politically neutralize the opponents. The aim is to rally Moldovan society not around Western or Russian values, but around a national idea. It is obvious that the Socialists and other political groups, who are losing the ‘sovereigntist banner’, will try to organize counter-events. Such rivalry between the authorities and the opposition will surely further deepen the already existing socio-political divide. Its vivid manifestations were clearly visible last Sunday in the capital, which once again became the arena for another value-based ideological confrontation. On one side were the participants of the annual LGBT pride, and on the other – supporters of family values. The Moldova Pride 2025 festival ended with an attempt to hold a march in the city center. This year, it was under special scrutiny because the Mayor of Chisinau and leader of the MAN party, Ion Ceban, had secured an official ban on the event back in May. The State Chancellery tried to appeal the decision to the Equality Council but was unsuccessful, and the city mayor refused to revoke his decree. The police, having received advance notifications from both the pride organizers and two counter-protests held by the Socialist Party and ‘Future of Moldova’, decided to separate them onto different streets. However, complete isolation was not achieved: participants of the LGBT parade, dissatisfied with the restricted route, attempted to enter the roadway. As a result, the police blocked their way, and public transport was temporarily paralyzed. Almost simultaneously, several hundred believers carrying church symbols began moving down a neighboring street, openly expressing their desire to prevent the ‘non-traditional parade’ from taking place. Attempts to break through the police cordon surrounding the minority parade led to arrests and dramatic video footage: a clergyman was thrown to the pavement, a father carrying his child was knocked down, and so on. These incidents sparked public outrage and drew attention, including from foreign media. Unfortunately, scenes like these are becoming increasingly common in our country. Street marches, whether in “defense of the rights of sexual minorities” or for “traditional values,” are less and less like peaceful demonstrations and more and more like performances cynically used by politicians for their own purposes, presenting society with their version of “normality”. Opposition parties, especially pro-Russian and conservative ones, have long used rhetoric about protecting the family as a tool to politically mobilize loyal voters. Speeches at the counter-marches speak of moral decay, foreign interference, and the need to defend Orthodox civilization. At the forefront are the PSRM, the “SOR” party in its new iterations, and apparently “Alternativa.” All of them rely on traditional sentiments, especially in rural areas and the provinces where such views are strongest. The ruling party, which has turned European integration into its official ideology, sees supporting public initiatives of the LGBTQ community as an easy way to gain political points in Brussels by presenting this as compliance with EU human rights standards. However, the population perceives this very ambiguously, as polls show that the overwhelming majority still holds “traditional” views on family, marriage, and gender identity. In fact, the slogans “Freedom, Equality” and “For Family, For Traditions” have become markers of belonging to one of two opposing political camps. Those who attend the pride are supposedly for progress and the West. Those who participate in the march for the family are, therefore, patriots and defenders against the erosion of values. People are invited to take part in this “exciting” clash, while the real problems faced by everyone are pushed to the periphery of public attention. Of course, this situation is not unique to Moldova. In Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and other countries, similar marches and counter-marches have become a familiar part of the political process. The conflict between liberal and conservative values is part of the transformation of societies facing the challenges of globalization, migration, and technological change. However, unlike EU countries, where there is the necessary institutional framework including a developed civil society and media, in our republic such tools are still weak. Unfortunately, here the values conflict quickly escalates into political polarization and sometimes even violence, as was seen last Sunday. In the current Moldovan reality, any street marches, demonstrations, and commemorative processions certainly do not contribute to societal consolidation. Both the authorities and the opposition see these events as a form of ideological marketing, but the cost of such irresponsible politics could be high. What we witnessed last weekend once again confirms a simple truth: Moldova needs public dialogue and respect for the rights of all groups, regardless of their beliefs, more than ever. And, most importantly, it is necessary to avoid any forms of extremism. Otherwise, the march on June 23, led by Maia Sandu, will become just another symbol of a divided nation.