Opinion: The Socialist-Democratic Coalition 2.0 May Appear in Moldova

The Democratic Party representatives announcing their withdrawal from the government is another tactical trick preceding Moldova’s post-electoral future talks. This time, it is quite risky, since the renewed SOR faction is already on the sidetrack With one week left before the second round of the presidential elections, there is little time for Moldovan voters to make their final choice. Meanwhile, many experts believe whatever the outcome of the current electoral cycle, the situation around the parliament and government will develop according to individual “laws” of the Moldovan political genre. This week’s most anticipated feature was supposed to be a TV debate between Igor Dodon and Maia Sandu. Judging by the practice of such events, the acting officials tend to be in a more vulnerable position, and the public skirmish with Renato Usatii in Falesti showed that Igor Dodon is not really in the mood to communicate openly. However, during today’s morning briefing, the PAS leader refused open polemics with her counter-candidate. The sharp tone of her speech and tighter accusatory rhetoric indirectly indicate that this is Sandu’s personal decision. As to the support of former candidates, Renato Usatii has apparently failed to come to a common denominator with Maia Sandu and is going to present his own further actions plan, which should lead to the dissolution of parliament. At the same time, following the discussions with some foreign diplomats, the Our Party leader urged his electorate to vote against Igor Dodon, without expressing public support for Sandu. Experts and journalists were particularly focused on the DPM’s stance before the second round of elections. A series of shuttle visits by the democratic leader Pavel Filip to several important embassies accredited in Chisinau triggered various assumptions among experts about the DPM’s possible behavior. In the end, everything turned out to be more than prosaic. The members of the party decided to retain political neutrality, and the only sensation-type decision is the Democratic Party representatives’ withdrawal from the current government. Facing a really tough period in its history and pressure from numerous internal and external factors, the DPM party activists nevertheless decided to secure the widest possible room for maneuver and just quit the game for a while. All crucial political forces were at the same time invited to a wide-ranging discussion to deliberate a sustainable form of managing the country in this very challenging period. Pavel Filip expectedly called early parliamentary elections an unacceptable scenario that could plunge the republic into a deep insurmountable crisis. To interpret such a step by the Democratic Party as going into opposition is not fully justified. Despite the obvious difficulties in fulfilling certain coalition agreement provisions, Pavel Filip made no categorical statements as to destroying the parliamentary majority and withdrawing from the inter-factional agreement. Moreover, the DPM’s seemingly equidistant and centrist position better correlates with precisely Igor Dodon’s statements, who has repeatedly articulated his willingness to foster dialogue with pro-European parties and build a broad parliamentary majority. Thus, the Democratic Party, sticking to its traditional tactics, has not burnt any bridges and seems to be currently engaged in careful preparations for talks with its political partners. If Maia Sandu and the PAS faction, loyal to her, do not show flexibility and fail to offer a reasonable alternative to the democrats, then the DPM’s pendulum may once again swing towards the Party of Socialists. As a result, the Moldovan president, no matter who enters the office, will have nothing else but (re)appoint the Democratic representatives for the vacant positions in the Ion Chicu government. Unlike Pavel Filip and Maia Sandu, Igor Dodon and the Party of Socialists have no shortage of fallback options to keep power in their hands. The re-branded SOR faction is now on the sidetrack ready to provide a functional parliamentary majority, replacing the overly ambitious leaders from the Democratic Party. The post-electoral perspective may turn to be not in Maia Sandu’s favor, who, in case of victory, will have to once again face the grim reality of Moldovan politics lacking the needed resources to radically change the situation in the country and put it on the right track.